Africa was host eighty translations
of Bunyan’s book and so provides a useful site to examine how the book was
changed as it traveled into new spiritual communities.
One respone to
The Pilgrim’s Progress was conditioned by African appropriations of
Protestantism more generally. One tenet of Protestant theology that never
proved portable was the idea of original sin. Concepts of social sin certainly
existed, but the idea that, whether one liked it or did not, one was sinful
never caught on among African readers,
translators, or missionaries. Those aspects of the text that discussed these
ideas were generally edited out, a feature that depended on the material practices of mission
translation. Translation was generally pursued in teams made up of
second-language missionaries and first-language converts. Missionaries were
also inveterate experimenters having to try out bits and pieces with their new
audiences to see what would work. Between the Africa translators and the
pressure of popular taste, the sections of the text expounding ideas of
original sin were edited out. Where these could not be removed, the meaning of
original sin was changed. The most famous image of Bunyan’s story, namely, the
burden on Christian’s back, stood for original sin. In many Africa editions,
this meaning was erased, and instead the burden came to stand for colonial rule
itself (Hofmeyr 2004: 76-97).
One further theme that African
translation highlighted pertained to themes of orality and literacy. In the
paraliterate world in which Bunyan’s story unfolds, documents are not everyday
objects, and they tend to stand out either as items of great religious
significance or as agents of state oppression, like the pass that Christian, a
masterless man, must carry. This ambivalence around documents resonated with
the experience of many African Christians seeking religious advancement but
kept back on the one hand by the colonial state with its network of documentary
control and on the other, by the white-controlled structures of the mission
churches. In the final scene of Part I of the book, Christian arrives at the
gates of heaven but first has to produce his certificate to get in. Ignorance,
who is text in the queue, has no certificate and is unceremoniously pitched
down into hell. This scene of difficult and select entry into the portals of
power proved popular with African Christians and made its way into
illustrations, novels, hymns and songs (Hofmeyr 2004: 137-50).
Important is that African Christian
used The Pilgrim’s Progress to project their concerns into a broader
international arena. By using the internationally recognized story of The
Pilgrim’s Progress, which came to acquire African illustrations and hence
African characters, African Christians could project themselves into an
international area, often seeking to go over the heads of their various
oppressors-the colonial state, white settlers or royal chiefly lineages who
persecuted commoner converts-to appeal to an international public.
However, what were the limits of the
text’s circulation? When did the text cease to be itself? In some cases, the
text disappeared as part of a political decision to eschew the white-dominated
world of mission and colonial state. In one case, Simon Kimbangu, who broke
away from the Baptist in the central Congo region, probably picked up some
symbols from the book, in all likelihood from illustrations. One of them shows
Christian emerging dripping from the Slough of Despond. In his hand is a Bible
that is dry. Kimbangu traditionalized this image of fetching a book from the
next world, a process that involved passing through a body of water. Kimbangu
“poached” from the text but disavowed the source (Hofmeyr 2004: 28-9).
In other cases, the text disappears not because
of difference but because of similarity. Here the story evaporates into African
oral traditions that share many similarities with Bunyan’s storytelling
techniques that emerge from a paraliterate world, Bunyan himself being a
first-generation literate. Both The Pilgrim’s Progress and African oral
narrative traditions share folktale motifs such as the use of dramatic
dialogue, two characters to a scene, proverb, riddles, formulaic phrasings, and
onomastic strategies. Particles of Bunyan’s story could hence be elided into
African literary traditions. In these circumstances, texts disintegrate, not
through political resistance but rather under systems unaware of, or
indifferent to, their supposedly “correct” and “original” meaning (Hofmeyr
2004: 30).
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